How the coronavirus - and a little push from the Trump coterie - brought down Kosovo’s government

Just two weeks after the first coronavirus case was confirmed, Kosovar Prime Minister Albin Kurti’s government was toppled after losing a no confidence vote initiated by his collation partner, the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK). The government was dismissed after four months of coalition talks and less than two months after coming to power, with 82 votes in favor, 32 against, and 1 abstention.

The official narrative is that the government fell as a result of disputes over its approach to the COVID-19 pandemic. The ruling coalition’s LDK partners called for a state of emergency, which in turn would give all powers to President Hasim Thaçi. Kurti rejected such calls, arguing that they were unnecessary, and sacked the LDK’s interior minister for spreading panic after he publicly supported Thaçi’s call for a state of emergency.

Disagreements over the 100% percent tariff on imports from Serbia - a measure imposed by the previous government in response to Belgrade’s continuous effort to stop Prishtina from joining international bodies such as Interpol - further aggravated tensions not only between coalition partners but also between Kurti and the international community.

The international community - and especially the Trump administration - repeatedly pressured Kurti to lift the tariffs entirely and immediately. Kurti’s government, on the other hand, planned to lift tariffs on raw materials from Serbia starting from March 21 and to completely abolish the tariffs starting from April 1 for a 90-day period, during which Serbia would have the chance to show its willingness to stop the negative campaign towards Kosovo. Serbia not only refuses to recognize Kosovo as an independent state but it also petitions other countries to revoke their recognition.

Richard Grenell, Trump’s Special Envoy on the Belgrade-Prishtina dialogue, is pressuring the two countries to reach a quick peace deal. Engaging in cowboy diplomacy, Grenell castigated Kurti several times on social media for not abolishing the tariffs immediately. In response to Kurti’s government decision to partially lift the tariffs, he tweeted, “We do not support Prime Minister Kurti’s half-measure,” adding that Kurti “is making a serious mistake.” Republican Senator David Perdue opened the possibility of withdrawing US troops stationed in Kosovo, while Donald Trump Jr. - who has no official government role - said that it was time to bring American soldiers home.

An agreement between Kosovo and Serbia resulting from concessions by Prishtina in exchange for Belgrade’s recognition of Kosovo would be a much-needed diplomatic win for Trump in the upcoming 2020 elections, as well as increased recognition for Grenell himself.

Thaçi, who is in line with Grenell’s approach towards Prishtina-Belgrade relations, is adamant about reaching an agreement with Serbia, even floating the idea of a possible land swap. Whether this might be in order to be remembered in history, to keep himself away from the Special Chambers, or to return a ‘favor,’ his motives remain unclear.

What is clear, however, is that Thaçi is not content with the powers vested in him by the constitution, under which the president has a largely ceremonial role. Thus, a state of emergency would restore his executive powers and, most importantly, would put him back in charge as chief negotiator in the Kosovo-Serbia dialogue.

A similar scenario happened just recently in Hungary, in which the Hungarian parliament voted overwhelmingly in favor of the request of Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s government to rule by decree during the COVID-19 crisis. The special powers given to the prime minister have no time limit, which is why over 100,000 people have signed a petition against it, while the leader of the Jobbik party said that the move puts Hungary’s democracy in quarantine.

The political effects of the virus outbreak have already proven to be immense, not only in developing countries, but also in developed countries. For instance, leaders such as Boris Johnson of the United Kingdom, Donald Trump of the United States, and Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil have been heavily criticized for mishandling the situation. Trump labeled the coronavirus as a ‘Chinese virus’ that can’t harm the great American nation; Johnson, on the other hand, called it ‘a mild risk’ and was accused for not taking more robust measures, whereas support for Bolsonaro’s impeachment is increasing dramatically. If these countries would are to face a recession, in addition to mishandling the pandemic, it could lower their leaders’ chances of being reelected.   

The world as we know it might be changing altogether. The coronavirus has exposed the frightening deficiencies of healthcare systems in most countries. People will have to rethink their values and call into question the belief systems that they’ve held on to for decades They will need to ask themselves, do they want a public or a private healthcare system? A democratic or authoritarian leadership? To keep paying football players more than doctors and scientists? Fairer labor policies? And lastly, do they want politicians who exploit difficult health situations to increase their power? 

Pandemics such as COVID-19 affect the social, economic, and political systems, as well as disrupt international politics and relations in various forms. More significantly, however, they reveal the priorities and values of a society and its political leadership.