A State for All - Israel and Palestine 2019

A State for All - Israel and Palestine 2019

The following remarks are based on a trip to Israel and Palestine from 15th to the 22nd of February 2019. A small civil society delegation from Austria consisting of the president, Hannes Swoboda, and director, Stephanie Fenkart, of the International Institute for Peace (IIP) in Vienna, the director of the Austrian Study Centre for Peace and Conflict Resolution in Schlaining, Austria, Gudrun Kramer and Wilfried Graf, director of the Kehlman Institute for International Conflict Resolution, met various experts, politicians and civil society representatives in Israel and Palestine. This was organized in order to get a picture of current new developments around the million dollar question: How to re-initiate a peace process?

Africa 2019: Transforming despair and poverty into hope and jobs

Africa 2019: Transforming despair and poverty into hope and jobs

Two briefs but nevertheless impressive visits to Addis Abeba and Nairobi are reasons for this new reflection on Africa. In Ethiopia, I met with Stephanie Fenkart, director of the International Institute for Peace (IIP), where she participated in a conference on Art and Peace. Together we flew to Nairobi to take part in a "Learning Journey to Silicon Savannah". During our visit, we saw poverty and deprivation but also much optimism and energy. Both capitals are thriving cities with many new skyscrapers - often not - yet - finished. In both cities, we found the effects of urbanization: higher education and fewer children per family. While Addis is much poorer and dusty, Nairobi showed clear economic progress and  wealth in many green quarters around the city. For both capitals and their countries, hope can be seen at the horizon.

Ukrainische Aussichten - Im Spannungsfeld zwischen Ost und West

Ukrainische Aussichten - Im Spannungsfeld zwischen Ost und West

Der im Osten der Ukraine seit vier Jahren bestehende Konflikt „niedriger Intensität“ ist, wie überhaupt die Lage in diesem Land  und um es herum, weitgehend vom Radar internationaler medialer Berichterstatter verschwunden. Nur gelegentlich erinnern Ereignisse wie die Eröffnung einer 19km langen Brücke zur annektierten Krim durch Putin persönlich oder kuriose Vorfälle wie der vorgetäuschte Mord an einem Kreml-kritischen Journalisten in Kyiv an die doch reichlich prekäre und spannungsgeladene Situation mit ihren Ausstrahlungen über die Region hinaus.

The Ban on Nuclear Weapons, Negative Security Assurances, and NATO States

The Ban on Nuclear Weapons,  Negative Security Assurances,  and NATO States

by Heinz Gärtner
At a United Nations Conference on 7 July, 2017, 122 state parties voted in favor of a treaty that that would prohibit nuclear weapons. None of the nuclear-armed states, or their allies, participated in the vote (with the exception of the Netherlands, which voted against the treaty). The treaty expresses concern about the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of the use of nuclear weapons, and calls for their complete elimination. The Treaty calls for the full implementation of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), including the disarmament obligations of the nuclear-armed states. The treaty should close the gap between nuclear and non-nuclear-armed states.

A new approach for Western Balkans enlargement - Summer School in Sipan

A new approach for Western Balkans enlargement - Summer School in Sipan

by Hannes Swoboda

At the yearly summer seminar at the island of Sipan close to Dubrovnik I presented the following ideas for a stronger EU -Western Balkan relationship. The summer seminar which is organized by the Croatian Atlantic Council with the support of the Vienna International Institute for Peace is an excellent opportunity of students of the region to discuss hot issues of the Western Balkan region.

The West and Russia - Is a New Start Possible?

The West and Russia - Is a New Start Possible?

Reflections on the occasion of a meeting of experts from Russia, USA, EU and the Balkans in Zagreb.

Consensus and Compromise

Both, the relationship between Russia and the West and the relationship inside the Transatlantic Community - between the EU and the USA - have changed dramatically in the past years. The EU has been built as a post - national community. National borders and cleavages as well as mere power plays must be overcome. Negotiations and compromises, on the basis of internationally designed rules, should in future be dominating in international relations. Inside the EU much progress has been made in that direction especially with the Lisbon Treaty confirming some clear community priorities.

Neutrality as a Model for the New Eastern Europe

Neutrality as a Model for the New Eastern Europe

Under some circumstances, the concept of neutrality could serve as a model for Central and Eastern European states. During the Cold War, neutral states managed to stay out of the spheres of influence created by the two military superpowers. There have been suggestions to create a “neutral belt” in the new Eastern Europe that has emerged between the EU/NATO and Russia. Neutrality could be a sustainable conceptual option also for the future. As a diplomatic solution, the Austrian model could be an interesting alternative for Ukraine. In its neutrality law of 1955, Austria agreed not to join a military alliance and not to allow any foreign military bases on its territory. Austria quickly adopted Western values and started a process of integration in the market economy, which eventually led to its accession to the European Union in the 1990s. This development was accepted by the Soviet Union, mainly because Austria did not become a member of NATO. A guarantee that Ukraine will not join a military alliance based on international law might be acceptable for Russia and Ukraine and its neighbors. In addition to affirming Austrian neutrality, the Austrian State Treaty also guaranteed that Austria would not join a new union with Germany (Anschluss), as had happened in 1938. Such a prohibition for Ukraine or parts of it, together with neutrality, could guarantee the unity of Ukraine if subsequently no foreign troops or militias would be deployed or active on Ukrainian soil. The same model of neutrality could be an interesting solution for Georgia. It could result in the withdrawal of all Russian troops from Georgia, including the provinces of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, which declared independence from Georgia. Moldova, which declared itself neutral in its constitution, could also consider a neutral status based on international law.